Leaving Louisiana with a degree: College-educated residents going to Texas, and it's getting worse

By ADAM DAIGLE | Acadiana business editor | Published Nov 28, 2019 at 6:00 pm | Updated Nov 29, 2019 at 12:56 pm

Louisiana still has a problem keeping its people.

That itself is nothing new. The Bayou State has long been a donor state when it comes to people, with hundreds moving to Texas for work. State and local elected officials have used the words “brain drain” for decades.

But according to data compiled by Gary Wagner, Acadiana Business Economist with the University of Louisiana at Lafayette, it's getting worse. Among college-educated residents, Louisiana had the worst net migration — the number of people moving in minus the number of those moving out — with Texas in 2017 than in the previous 10 years.

The data shows the younger adults are behind the change. Net migration to Texas for those ages 24 and under with a degree in 2017 was at -2,140, the worst since 2004. For ages 25-34, that year it was -1,343 after being at -1,275 in 2016.

It means the Lone Star State is taking Louisiana’s biggest investments — its best and brightest people educated at LSU and other taxpayer-supported universities.

They are people like Isabella Hundley, a Lafayette native who graduated from LSU in May with a 4.0-plus GPA with a degree in information system and decision sciences who was one of 18 to receive a medal for academic achievement from the E.J. Ourso School of Business.

She left Louisiana to take a job with Exxon Mobil in Houston after interning with the company the previous summer.

Louisiana's net migration with Texas of college-educated residents in 2017 was the highest since 2006. Here's the last five years: 

“The company really laid out the red carpet for her,” said her mom, Nicole Lachance. “They offered her a salary that most people in Lafayette don’t make. They will pay for her grad school. They have a focus on recruiting young talent and giving them incentive to stay with the company.”

Hundley’s story, however, is a double-punch on her home state. Mom Lachance and her husband are also leaving and will move to Colorado, which led the nation in net migration among college-educated residents per 10,000 residents between 2007 and 2017, data shows.

Leaving Louisiana with a degree: Forget the nearby states; many recent grads land in California

By ADAM DAIGLE | Acadiana business editor | Nov 28, 2019 - 6:00 pm

There’s a little Cajun café about a 10-minute walk from the beach in southern California that goes all out for its annual Crawfish Fest each spring.

Ragin Cajun Café owner Steve Hodges orders about 1,500 pounds of crawfish from a supplier in Lafourche Parish. He has them overnighted via Southwest Airlines to his restaurant in Redondo Beach. It’s all to bring in the people — often they’re Louisiana natives or from Mississippi or east Texas — for a big party.

And they come. California has pulled people away from Louisiana since 2000 — especially those ages 24 and under in recent years — and he’ll see many of them in the restaurant.

“I know we definitely get them pretty regularly,” said Hodges, initially partnered with Steven Domingue of Lafayette with the restaurant. “Our crowd is not a younger crowd. A number of people I’ve talked to said they moved out here after Katrina and never left.

"I get a lot of people on social media saying, ‘Are you legit? Are you fake Cajun?’ No. We’re real Cajun. A lot of our recipes are from Lafayette.”

Data compiled by Gary Wagner, Acadiana Business Economist endowed chair with the University of Louisiana at Lafayette, shows Louisiana’s net migration with California of residents with a college degree between 2000 and 2017  was -2,422 and trailed only Texas and Florida.

Net migration with California for ages 24 and under between 2012 and 2017 was -759 and trailed only Texas, data shows. It was also fifth-worst for all ages for 2007-2017 (-2,422) and for ages 25-54 for 2000-2017 (-4,265).

New Iberia native Quin’c’allen Jones is among them. A 2013 graduate of Centenary College with a degree in vocal performance who later earned a master’s degree from the University of Texas at Arlington in social work, he works as a clinical social worker at a psychiatric hospital while living in Los Angeles.

“I’ve met a lot of people from Louisiana randomly,” Jones said. “Some people relocated after college, (including) a couple of people who I went to college with. I do miss (Louisiana), but I kind of always expected at some point I would leave Louisiana. I always thought at some point I would relocate out of state.”

He has also frequented the Ragin Cajun Café, including a recent visit when he ordered fried alligator. Hodges, whose brother went to school at LSU, credits the restaurant’s success to the chef, a Hispanic guy named Ricky, they hired right after it opened in the early 1990s and was mentored by the head chef back then.

“I’ll put him up against anyone in Louisiana," Hodges said. "He was taught by a chef out of Lafayette. He’s really good.”

Mark Ballard: Divided Louisiana might provoke compromise, but maybe not?

BY MARK BALLARD | Capitol Bureau editor | Nov 23, 2019 - 9:45 pm

Elections are over. The governor is a Democrat, and the Legislature is mostly Republican.

Politicos are bracing for what divided government will mean for Louisiana over the next four years.

Some are optimistic.

Stephen Waguespack, representing the business community, and Louis Reine, representing organized labor, agree on little, but both suggested last week that because neither side won a mandate, the door is open to negotiation rather than the intransigence that marked the last four years.

“He’s not one who thinks compromise is a dirty word,” Reine said about Edwards.

The next day, Lionel Rainey III, a political consultant for right wingers who will dominate come January, declared on conservative Moon Griffon’s radio talk show: “We’re getting ready to fight a war for the next four years, and our front line of defense is going to be the Louisiana Legislature.”

The newly elected House and Senate members are, if anything, more conservative and more Republican than the legislators they are replacing.

“It’s unprecedented. The Legislature is more conservative, more pro-business than ever before,” Waguespack said.

The Louisiana Association of Business and Industry's political action arms helped elect 55 of the legislators in the 144-seat Louisiana Legislature.

The Louisiana Committee for a Conservative Majority, a group run by Attorney General Jeff Landry and U.S. Sen. John N. Kennedy, spent millions to purge Republican legislators who didn’t meet their definition of ideological purity.

Conservatives have long argued that smaller government could provide necessary services and grow the economy with lower taxes.

Republicans now hold a supermajority in the 39-seat Senate and are two seats shy in the 105-member House. With a two-thirds majority, Republicans can do pretty much as they please, overriding gubernatorial vetoes and ignoring input from Democrats on much of the legislation involving the state’s finances. But Louisiana Republicans rarely operate in unison, which Edwards and the Democrats have used to slow the GOP agenda.

Whether the 2020 class will require the seven angry special sessions outgoing legislators needed to address recurring deficits will depend on their willingness to compromise.

More than that, it will depend on how the majority views the Democratic governor. Many outgoing lawmakers saw Edwards as a great Moby Dick that needed harpooning. The more conservative members, acting like Ahab, “piled upon the whale's white hump the sum of all the rage and hate felt by his whole race,” to quote Herman Melville.

At least part of what happened was that the Republicans couldn’t get together on how to restructure the state’s tax system. Efforts to create a flatter, fairer tax system were killed. Lawmakers were left with only raising the state sales tax — along with service cuts and suspension of some tax breaks — to balance spending with available revenues.

Yes, it’s true that Louisiana has one of the highest corporate income taxes in the nation, outgoing Senate President John Alario, R-Westwego, told a postelection analysis forum at LSU’s Manship School of Mass Communication.

But few businesses actually pay the published rate because of a multitude of exemptions and credits. When those tax breaks are factored in, Louisiana has one of the lowest tax burdens for corporations. The very ones nagging lawmakers for a lower tax rate weren’t willing to give up their tax exemptions, he said.

“The whole secret to democracy is to listen to the other guy. And if you listen to him, maybe he has a good idea. And if he listens to you for a while, then maybe you have a good idea. You put those together and that’s how democracy works,” Alario said Thursday.

Barry Ivey, a conservative Republican representing Central, tried unsuccessfully to advance legislation that would change the state’s tax structures. And he says he still has “the tread marks” on his back from a bus driven by his Republican colleagues.

“We didn’t talk much about the policy. It was all about the politics,” Ivey said at the LSU forum.

Edwards made a significant misstep at the start of his term in January 2016 by embracing the tradition that Louisiana governors choose legislative leadership. The majority House Republicans rebelled and picked their own speaker.

The leadership campaign for 2020, which has been going on behind the scenes for months, will begin in earnest after Thanksgiving.

This time around, Edwards said he’s looking for legislative leaders “with whom I can work.”

He pledged to support policies, regardless of party, that are “rooted in compassion and common sense,” including the possibility of rolling back some of the sales tax increase that stabilized the state budget until June 2025. Edwards added that he would oppose anything he believes would return the state to structural deficits.

With $3M investment, New Orleans doubles down on early education to catch state match

BY DELLA HASSELLE | Staff writer | Nov 21, 2019 - 6:01 pm

Following a months-long campaign by early childhood education advocates, the New Orleans City Council on Thursday approved a city budget that puts $3 million toward public day care, doubling the city's investment in its youngest learners.

The city's investment could have an even greater impact. Mayor Latoya Cantrell's administration anticipates being able to capture an additional match of up to $3 million more through a state program expected to be funded next year.

"I am just so proud of the city, the mayor and the council for stepping up and being really a model for our state and our country," Libbie Sonnier-Netto, the executive director of Louisiana Policy Institute for Children, said in a statement after the budget was approved.

The money will go to a pilot program called City Seats, which provides free childcare to families at or near the poverty line. Priority is given to kids age 2 and under who are by definition homeless, disabled or in foster care.

Jen Roberts, the executive director of the New Orleans Early Education Network (NOEEN), which oversees City Seats and local state-funded programs, said $3 million will fund at least 150 spots next year, plus support services advocates say help address barriers to education.

Those resources include mental health consultation, professional development for teachers and a program evaluation.

Although advocates were celebrating Thursday, the influx of money is still to leave a huge gap. Data collected by NOEEN and the Louisiana Department of Education shows there are 9,000 local children under age 4 who would likely qualify for publicly funded early education but don’t have access because of lack of funding.

If the state match is funded as expected, the number of seats available to families would increase. Officials should know for sure by 2020.

The state match would come from an early education trust established by Louisiana Legislature in 2017. It was funded in June when lawmakers passed another measure that provided a portion of Harrah's proceeds as part of the casino's contract extension.

If the revenue Harrah's pays to the state is greater than $60 million a year, a benchmark that's happened every year for a decade except in 2017, $3.6 million is set aside for early education.

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The trust fund is expected to start accumulating money next year, in time for City Seats to start a new school year. The Board of Elementary and Secondary Education still must decide how to distribute the funds to municipalities.

In the meantime, advocates -- including members of New Orleans City Council and the New Orleans Campaign for Grade-Level Reading, a group of 100 nonprofits -- have bemoaned that child care isn't affordable for many local residents.

On average, private child care in Louisiana costs $149 a week, according to the Economic Policy Institute. In New Orleans, prices can go to nearly $260 a week.

And, as State Superintendent John White underscored in a statement, while laws passed by Louisiana Legislature have bettered the quality of many early education centers, there has also long been a dearth of state or federally-funded spots in programs for low-income families.

"As the quality of our early learning centers has climbed, the number of working families able to access them has dwindled. This need is particularly strong among the families of infants, toddlers, and three-year olds, for whom minimal services are available," White said. "New Orleans has been a pioneer in helping narrow this access gap."

For years, as advocates have encouraged the city to invest its capital commitment toward solving the problem, the investment has slowly increased.

In 2017, New Orleans became the first municipality in the state to invest its own money — $750,000 — for care for kids 2 and younger. That year, the City Seats pilot program opened 50 spots to families in need.

That amount doubled last year, and the number of seats increased to 112. This year, the main focus is on budgeting for the wraparound services that had previously been funded through one-off donations.

”We are grateful for the bold leadership of our City Council and Mayor to move from zero public ECE funds to three million in only three budget cycles," said Michael Williamson, CEO of United Way of Southeast Louisiana, a member of the early education campaign. "This investment in our children is a win for our city.”

The City Council's vote comes just hours after Gov. John Bel Edwards, who won reelection in a tightly-contested race Saturday, said increasing access to day care and preschool statewide was at the top of his agenda.

"Early childhood will be my highest priority for new education investments in the second term," he said.

Harris, Deville, & Associates: 2019 LOUISIANA GENERAL ELECTION

FROM: Jim Harris

Saturday, November 16, 2019

PHOTO FINISH...While we are still waiting for the dust to settle after what seems to have been an incredibly long election season, results are in and show Louisiana’s governor is Democratic incumbent Gov. John Bel Edwards, who was elected with 51 percent of the vote over Republican Eddie Rispone, who picked up 49 percent of the vote in Saturday’s runoff.

Unofficial turnout shows 50.7 percent of the electorate voted Saturday, which is a respectable amount, especially for a runoff election in a non-presidential year. Turnout was up for African American voters, and Edwards was able to pull off enough of U.S. Rep. Ralph Abraham’s north Louisiana vote from the primary to shore up a victory. It was earlier assumed most of that vote would go to Rispone.

Edwards’ victory, albeit by an uncomfortably narrow margin (a little more than 40,000 votes) can likely be chalked up to high early voting turnout (33 percent) and ramped-up get-out-the-vote efforts, which were increased significantly over the primary. According to pollster John Couvillion, who has been fairly well right on the money throughout these elections:

This is obviously a testament to his “get out the vote” effort which never took its eye off the ball from the

When early voting volume was substantially up compared to the

primary, the thought among some political observers was that the Democratic tilt of the early voters was a “front loading” of

that vote that would be reversed on Election Day.

The early vote

favored Governor John Bel Edwards. However, Governor Edwards also carried the Election Day vote by an even bigger

margin.

first day of early voting until Election Day

. Governor Edwards’

increasing the number of black voters while also getting enough of the vote that went to Ralph Abraham were his two keys to victory (in addition, of course, to support he already had from

less partisan Republican voters residing in the urban areas.)

The week of early voting for the runoff showed the highest early voter turnout ever in the state for a non-presidential election. That turnout was also 31 percent higher than early voting for the primary in October. Forty percent of early voters were African American. Blacks represent 31 percent of registered voters. Republican voter turnout in this period decreased by 3 percent.

Rispone was expected to benefit more than he did from three appearances in the state by President Trump. In the weeks leading up to the election, the President came in to stump for Rispone in Bossier City, Monroe and Lake Charles. Edwards’ “trumping” of Rispone in Saturday’s election is being written about nationally as a “black eye” for the President, but the overall effect is yet to be seen.

DIRTY POOL...You can’t talk about this election without talking about the millions upon millions of dollars that flooded into the state from third party sources from both political parties, including massive amounts of trial lawyer money. This election had national repercussions; as part of that, the rhetoric on both sides sunk to a new low, as evidenced by ugly direct mail pieces and television advertising.

SUPREME COURT...In a race to determine the balance of the state’s high court in the replacement of District 1 Justice Greg Guidry, who was appointed to the federal bench, 1st Circuit Court of Appeal Judge Will Crain bested 5th Circuit Court of Appeal Judge Hans Liljeberg by a margin of 57 to 43 percent. Crain had the backing of the business community, and Liljeberg was supported by the trial bar. The balance of the court is more important now than ever, given the

proliferation of lawsuits against coastal parishes and other oil and gas issues, including legacy lawsuits.

SECRETARY OF STATE...Incumbent Republican Kyle Ardoin, who was elected in a special election last year, was elected to his first full term over Democratic challenger Gwen Collins-Greenup. He took 59 percent of the vote.

LEGISLATURE...Five Senate seats and 25 House races were decided in the runoff. The rest of the Legislature (34 Senate seats and 80 House seats) was elected either without opposition or in the October primary. This election represented the highest turnover in the Legislature since 2007, when term limits took place. Thirty-two percent of the Legislature was ineligible to seek reelection.

Republicans were unable to pick up enough seats in both chambers to constitute an overall supermajority. The Senate Republicans already had supermajority status going into the runoff, with 26 seats secure. The party had 63 secure seats in the House and needed to pick up seven to get to the magic number of 70, but were only able to switch two seats. Republicans still have a majority in the House, but will need to pull some Democratic or Independent votes for an override of a gubernatorial veto or on certain budget votes.

Senate Races Decided in Runoffs

SD 3 (Sen. J.P. Morrell, D-New Orleans) term-limited

  • ·  Rep. John Bagneris, D-New Orleans: 40 percent

  • ·  Rep. Joe Bouie, D-New Orleans: 60 percent

    SD 11 (Sen. Jack Donahue, R-Slidell) term-limited

  • ·  Rep. Reid Falconer, R-Madisonville: 44 percent

  • ·  Patrick McMath, R-Covington: 56 percent

SD 16 (Sen. Dan Claitor, R-Baton Rouge) term-limited

  • ·  Beverly Brooks Thompson, D-Baton Rouge: 42 percent

  • ·  Rep. Franklin Foil, R-Baton Rouge: 58 percent

    SD 35 (Sen. Jim Fannin)

  • ·  Incumbent Sen. Jim Fannin, R-Jonesboro: 50 percent

  • ·  Rep. Jay Morris, R-Monroe: 50 percent (won by 273 votes) SD 36 (Sen. Ryan Gatti)

  • ·  Incumbent Sen. Ryan Gatti, R-Bossier City: 44 percent

  • ·  Robert Mills, R-Benton: 56 percent
    Two non-term-limited senators were unseated; the party affiliations

    remained the same.

    House Races Decided in Runoffs
    HD 3 (Rep. Barbara Norton, D-Shreveport) term-limited

  • ·  Tammy Phelps, D-Shreveport: 51 percent

  • ·  Daryl Joy Walters, D-Shreveport: 49 percent

    HD 15 (Rep. Frank Hoffman, R-West Monroe) term-limited

  • ·  Foy Gadberry, R-Calhoun: 53 percent

  • ·  Justin Tidwell, R-West Monroe: 47 percent

HD 20 (Rep. Steve Pylant, R-Winnsboro) term-limited

  • ·  Kevin Bates, R-Winnsboro: 49 percent

  • ·  Sen. Neil Riser, R-Columbia: 51 percent

    HD 21 (Rep. Andy Anders, D-Clayton) term-limited

  • ·  C. Travis Johnson, D-Ferriday: 59 percent

  • ·  Glen McGlothin, I-Jonesville: 41 percent

    HD 30 (Rep. James Armes, D-Leesville) term-limited

  • ·  Chuck Dowden Jr., R-Leesville: 47 percent

  • ·  Chuck Owen, R-Leesville: 53 percent

    HD 31 (Rep. Nancy Landry, R-Lafayette) term-limited

  • ·  Jonathan Goudau, R-Lafayette: 54 percent

  • ·  Gus Rantz, R-Lafayette: 46 percent

    HD 34 (Rep. A.B. Franklin, D-Lake Charles) term-limited

  • ·  Wilford Carter Sr., D-Lake Charles: 57 percent

  • ·  Kevin Guidry, D-Lake Charles: 43 percent

    HD 37 (Rep. Johnny Guinn, R-Jennings) term-limited

  • ·  Shalon Latour, R-Iowa: 44 percent

  • ·  Troy Romero, R-Iowa: 56 percent

    HD 46 (Rep. Mike Huval, R-Breaux Bridge)

· Keith Baudin, R-St. Martinville: 49 percent

· Incumbent Rep. Mike Pete Huval, R-Breaux Bridge: 51 percent

HD 48 (Rep. Taylor Barras, R-New Iberia) term-limited

  • ·  Beau Beaullieu, R-New Iberia: 57 percent

  • ·  Ricky Gonsoulin, R-New Iberia: 43 percent

    HD 50 (Rep. Sam Jones, D-Franklin) term-limited

  • ·  Raymond Harris Jr., No Party-Franklin: 42 percent

  • ·  Vincent J. St. Blanc III, R-Franklin: 58 percent

    HD 62 (Rep. Roy Daryl Adams)

  • ·  Incumbent Rep. Roy Daryl Adams, I-Jackson: 54 percent

  • ·  Johnny Arceneaux, R-St. Francisville: 46 percent

    HD 67 (Rep. Pat Smith, D-Baton Rouge) term-limited

  • ·  Leah Cullins, D-Baton Rouge: 46 percent

  • ·  Larry Selders, D-Baton Rouge: 54 percent

    HD 68 (Rep. Steve Carter, R-Baton Rouge) term-limited

· Taryn C. Branson, D-Baton Rouge: 42 percent

· Scott McKnight, R-Baton Rouge: 58 percent

HD 70 (Rep. Franklin Foil, R-Baton Rouge) term-limited

  • ·  Belinda Davis, D-Baton Rouge: 48 percent

  • ·  Barbara Reich Freiberg, R-Baton Rouge: 52 percent

    HD 71 (Rep. Rogers Pope, R-Livingston) term-limited

  • ·  Lori Callais, D-Denham Springs: 23 percent

  • ·  Buddy Mincey Jr., R-Denham Springs: 77 percent

    HD 88 (Rep. Johnny Berthelot, R-Gonzales) term-limited

  • ·  Kathy Edmonston, R-Gonzales: 51 percent

  • ·  Brandon Trosclair, R-Gonzales: 49 percent

    HD 89 (Rep. Reid Falconer, R-Mandeville)

  • ·  Vince Liuzza, R-Mandeville: 47 percent

  • ·  Richard Nelson, R-Mandeville: 53 percent

    HD 91 (Rep. Walt Leger, D-New Orleans) term-limited

· Mandie Landry, D-New Orleans: 53 percent

· Robert McKnight, D-New Orleans: 47 percent

HD 94 (Rep. Stephanie Hilferty)

· Incumbent Rep. Stephanie Hilferty, R-New Orleans: 59 percent

· Tammy Savoie, D-New Orleans: 41 percent

HD 97 (Rep. Joe Bouie, D-New Orleans)

  • ·  Eugene Green, D-New Orleans: 49 percent

  • ·  Matthew Willard, D-New Orleans: 51 percent

    HD 98 (Rep. Neil Abramson, D-New Orleans) term-limited

  • ·  Aimee Adatto Freeman, D-New Orleans: 57 percent

  • ·  Kea Sherman, D-New Orleans: 43 percent

    HD 99 (Rep. Jimmy Harris, D-New Orleans)

  • ·  Adonis Exposé, D-New Orleans: 46 percent

  • ·  Candace Newell, D-New Orleans: 54 percent

    HD 105 (Rep. Chris Leopold)

  • ·  Mack Cormier, D-Belle Chasse: 52 percent

  • ·  Incumbent Rep. Chris Leopold, R-Belle Chasse: 48 percent

    Only one non-term-limited representative was unseated; the seat changed from Republican to Democratic.

    Twelve state senators were elected in October without opposition; nine were incumbents, and three were House members running for the opposite chamber:

  • ·  Sen. Sharon Hewitt, R-Slidell

  • ·  Rep. Jimmy Harris, D-New Orleans (replacing Sen. Wesley Bishop, D-

    New Orleans)

  • ·  Sen. Troy Carter, D-New Orleans

  • ·  Rep. Pat Connick, R-Harvey (replacing Senate President John Alario,

    R-Westwego)

  • ·  Sen. Rick Ward, R-Port Allen

  • ·  Sen. Eddie Lambert, R-Gonzales

  • ·  Sen. Gary Smith, D-Montz

  • ·  Sen. Bret Allain, R-Franklin

  • ·  Sen. Fred Mills, R-St. Martinville

  • ·  Sen. Page Cortez, R-Lafayette

  • ·  Sen. Ronnie Johns, R-Sulphur

  • ·  Rep. Katrina Jackson, D-Monroe (replacing Sen. Francis Thompson,

    D-Delhi)

    Thirty-seven state representatives were elected in October without opposition; 34 are incumbents, one was a senator running for the opposite chamber, and two are new members:

  • ·  Rep. Sam Jenkins, D-Shreveport

  • ·  Rep. Cedric Glover, D-Shreveport

  • ·  Thomas Pressly, R-Shreveport (replacing Rep. Thomas Carmody, R-Shreveport)

  • ·  Rep. Larry Bagley, R-Logansport

  • ·  Rep. Raymond Crews, R-Bossier City

  • ·  Rep. Dodie Horton, R-Haughton

  • ·  Rep. Patrick Jefferson, D-Homer

  • ·  Rep. Chris Turner, R-Ruston

  • ·  Rep. Jack McFarland, R-Winnfield

  • ·  Michael Echols, R-Monroe (replacing Rep. Jay Morris, R- Monroe)

  • ·  Rep. Pat Moore, D-Monroe

  • ·  Sen. Francis Thompson, D-Delhi (replacing Rep. Bubba Chaney, R-Rayville)

  • ·  Rep. Kenny Cox, D-Mansfield

  • ·  Rep. Lance Harris, R-Alexandria

  • ·  Rep. Mike Johnson, R-Pineville

  • ·  Rep. Edmond Jordan, D-Brusly

  • ·  Rep. Phillip DeVillier, R-Eunice

  • ·  Rep. John Stefanski, R-Crowley

  • ·  Rep. Vincent Pierre, D-Lafayette

  • ·  Rep. Ryan Bourriaque, R-Grand Chenier

  • ·  Rep. Blake Miguez, R-New Iberia

  • ·  Rep. Zee Zeringue, R-Houma

  • ·  Rep. Tanner Magee, R-Houma

  • ·  Rep. Greg Miller, R-Destrehan

  • ·  Rep. Tony Bacala, R-Prairieville

  • ·  Rep. Chad Brown, D-Plaquemine

  • ·  Rep. Valarie Hodges, R-Denham Springs

  • ·  Rep. Barry Ivey, R-Baton Rouge

  • ·  Rep. Clay Schexnayder, R-Sorrento

  • ·  Rep. Joe Marino, No Party-Gretna

  • ·  Rep. Nick Muscarello, R-Hammond

  • ·  Rep. Joe Stagni, R-Kenner

  • ·  Rep. Royce Duplessis, D-New Orleans

  • ·  Rep. Ted James, D-Baton Rouge

  • ·  Rep. Gary Carter, D-New Orleans

  • ·  Rep. Ray Garofalo, R-Meraux

  • ·  Rep. Paul Hollis, R-Mandeville

Our Views: After the campaign, reality will face winner of Louisiana governor's race

STAFF EDITORIAL | Nov 14, 2019 - 6:00 am

In political terms only, the two candidates to be Louisiana’s next governor are playing for the highest accolades possible.

If Eddie Rispone, who’s never held the humblest elected office, can run and win against an incumbent, it would be a remarkable achievement.

For incumbent Gov. John Bel Edwards, a win would also be remarkable, since he’s the only Democratic governor in the Republican Deep South, and a recent target of barbs from the president of the United States.

But what will either of these gentlemen do in office?

Both seem to want the state to advance. For Rispone, there’s been too much — sorry to repeat his favorite phrase — “kicking the can down the road.” For Edwards, righting the ship after the budget crises and political decisions of the former Jindal administration are his core mantra about how he will fix things.

In both cases, though, their stature has been eroded by the negativity of the campaigns. Biting each other’s ankles in the last days of the race hasn’t illuminated much for voters on Election Day.

But we can project what might happen after the election, because the state’s needs — the cans that are still clanking down the road — remain the fundamental challenge facing the next administration in the coming four years.

A nonpartisan coalition of policy groups put this in stark relief with five questions inspired by studies of the real issues facing Louisiana — not down the road, but now.

What is the state going to do for talent in business and education in the next four years? What specifically would the candidates change in the Louisiana Constitution’s garbled and out-of-date tax code?

And those are the easiest questions.

The Reset Louisiana coalition of policy groups asks specifically how to get more annual revenue into the state’s hobbled transportation program, and how to build upon the criminal justice reforms of 2017.

Even harder: How to fix the vast retirement debts facing the state, and how to create a more competitive plan that works for the new generation of state workers.

If you want to critique the candidates on specifics, to the extent that they have made promises or pledges, there are reasons to criticize either man.

Against the Republican-backed criminal justice reform, Rispone has harped on old-fashioned throw-away-the-key rhetoric that is out of date even in Donald Trump’s White House. Edwards is clearly unhappy with anything that interferes with the status quo on pensions.

There are plenty of cans to kick down the road again, but the distance between reality and politics will matter a great deal on Saturday once the votes have been counted.

LMOGA Daily News Summary

November 13, 2019

BP Midstream Partners LP considers expanding Mars oil pipeline

Reuters

BP Midstream Partners LP is considering expanding its Mars crude oil pipeline to accommodate new volumes from offshore oil fields, Chief Financial Officer Craig Coburn said on Tuesday.  The Mars pipeline, which has a mainline capacity of about 400,000 bpd, would potentially be expanded to ship increased crude volumes from Gulf of Mexico fields such as Vito and Power Nap, Coburn told analysts and investors on the company’s third quarter earnings call.  More details about any plans will be given early next year, Coburn said. BPMP owns a 28.5% interest in Mars, according to its website.

Jacobs Partners with Shell on a Restorative Coastal Infrastructure Solution for Louisiana Coast

Oil and Gas 360

Jacobs (NYSE:JEC) and Shell Pipeline Company LP (Shell) deliver on their commitment to protect pipeline integrity and safety and improving coastal ecosystems with the completed installation of a living coastline system along the Ship Shoal Pipeline Corridor in Louisiana.  Located at Lost Lake, Jacobs and Shell's natural infrastructure solution consisted of installing 60 EcoBales – or lightweight, modular cylinders, created by Martin Ecosystems, which allow water to filter through – as an alternative to traditional infrastructure such as cement or bulkheads. In doing so, the project is improving marsh production and water quality, aiding in flood risk reduction and aquatic resource benefits on the Louisiana coast. 

Trump returns to Louisiana, trying to flip governor’s seat

Associated Press

Leaving a Washington embroiled in an impeachment drama, President Donald Trump returns to the Louisiana governor’s race Thursday, testing his ability to sway an election by trying to oust a Democratic incumbent.

Though Louisiana is a deep red state that Trump won by 20 percentage points, the gubernatorial contest has reached its final days ahead of Saturday’s election as a tossup. Democrat John Bel Edwards is vying for a second term against little-known Republican political donor Eddie Rispone.

Our Views: After the campaign, reality will face winner of Louisiana governor's race

The Advocate

In political terms only, the two candidates to be Louisiana’s next governor are playing for the highest accolades possible.  If Eddie Rispone, who’s never held the humblest elected office, can run and win against an incumbent, it would be a remarkable achievement.  For incumbent Gov. John Bel Edwards, a win would also be remarkable, since he’s the only Democratic governor in the Republican Deep South, and a recent target of barbs from the president of the United States.  But what will either of these gentlemen do in office?

Louisiana's public schools are under the microscope again; it's different this time

BY WILL SENTELL | Staff writer | Nov 10, 2019 - 9:45 pm

While 44% of Louisiana's public schools are again under special scrutiny, the picture is less dire than it was eight years ago when state leaders announced that 44% percent of schools were rated "D" or "F."

State Superintendent of Education John White said last week that 571 schools statewide – 44% of the total – require improvements and that local school officials will have to submit plans on how to upgrade them.

The announcement was reminiscent of one in 2011, when the first round of public school letter grades highlighted major problems in the state's classrooms.

That report helped spur sweeping education changes pushed by then-Gov. Bobby Jindal during the 2012 legislative session.

But this time 300 of the 571 schools targeted, including 73 that carry a "B" ranking, face scrutiny because of problems with specific groups, like African American students or those with disabilities, and with discipline.

In addition, the ranks of "D" and "F" schools have dropped from 44% in 2011 to 23% now, even with more rigorous state standards.

Another 16% got an "A," 32% got a "B" and 29% received a "C."

Veterans of the state's two-decade push to improve public schools, including the grim report eight years ago, said the latest snapshot is much different from the one that revealed massive problems eight years ago.

"We started with kind of a big macro view," said Barry Erwin, president of the Council for a Better Louisiana.

"As we have gone through, what we have realized is you can have a school with a good letter grade that is not serving its students as well as it should," Erwin said. "The good news is that we are paying attention to it now and we weren't before."

The fact that 571 public schools were identified with problems stems from the state's plan to comply with the 2015 federal Every Student Succeeds Act.

One of the goals of the law is for the state to pinpoint and address problems with specific types of students, known in education circles as subgroups.

In the past, White said, those shortcomings would have been noted, but not much beyond that.

Schools having problems with specific groups of students are separate from the 271 schools that require wholesale changes, including intervention in the current school year. Nearly half of those schools have been rated "F" for at least two consecutive years, reflecting Louisiana's longstanding problems with public school achievement.

However, another key difference between the latest report and 2011 is the fact that the state has raised the bar, and continues to do so, on key tests that shape schools' scores.

Students' test results are divided into five categories: advanced, mastery, basic, approaching basic and unsatisfactory.

The state is gradually raising the standard from "basic" to "mastery," largely to make students and schools more competitive with their counterparts nationwide.

In addition, educators are using a tougher scale than in 2011 for what constitutes a top school.

"We are making progress and we are raising the (level of) rigor while we are doing this," Erwin said.

Brigitte Nieland, government affairs director for Stand For Children, noted that the state no longer relies on a curved system to allocate letter grades, as it did for years.

"When you look at subgroup performance, and the data gives us so much valuable information, no longer can a school rely on the performance of their best students to camouflage struggling student performance," said Nieland, who has followed public school policies for years.

"That is what equity is about," Nieland said.

The state won approval for its plan to comply with the federal law in 2017 amid controversy, including criticism from Gov. John Bel Edwards and teacher unions.

Shane Riddle, legislative and political director for the Louisiana Association of Educators, said some of the state's benchmarks for school performance now exceed federal guidelines.

Riddle said it is hard to gauge progress of specific students.

"You may have tremendous progress and you are still a D or F," he said. "Some of the subgroups may never reach the targets you want to reach."

Mike Faulk, executive director of the Louisiana Association of School Superintendents, said focusing on struggling students is a valid goal.

But Faulk noted that 10 students constitute a subgroup and that, if they are having problems, it can have an inordinate impact on the grades for schools with 100 or so students.

Sen. Conrad Appel, R-Metairie, was the Senate handler for all three of the education overhaul bills approved in 2012, including measures to expand vouchers statewide and to make it harder for teachers to earn a form of job protection called tenure.

Appel, former chairman of the Senate Education Committee, said there is no comparison between the latest 44% percent of schools needing attention and the 2011 report.

"We have ratcheted up our accountability system," he said. "You cannot compare the 2011 accountability system to the 2019. They are apples and oranges."

What causes those low rankings?

Jim Beam | Nov 7, 2019

The fact that Louisiana is on the bottom of another ranking of the states comes as no surprise. The Pelican State has been at the top of those bad lists, or near there, and at the bottom of the good lists, or near there, as long as I can remember.

U.S. News & World Report issued the latest rankings, and they are certain to become fuel for the bitter gubernatorial campaign now under way in Louisiana. However, don’t be misled by the candidates.

Democratic Gov. John Bel Edwards’ administration didn’t get us on those bad lists over the last four years. We’ve been on them for ages. Eddie Rispone, his Republican opponent in the Nov. 16 general election, promises to get us off the bottom, but he hasn’t told us exactly how he would do it. That’s because it’s a complex problem with no easy solutions.

Louisiana got its highest ranking in eight areas — 43rd place — for fiscal stability. Credit for that goes equally to Edwards and those Republicans and Democrats in the Legislature who helped him stabilize the state budget. Legislators did it by voting to raise revenues to wipe out a $2 billion deficit they faced when they took office in 2016.

The cause of the poor rankings can be easily traced to two areas — education and poverty. Louisiana has too many people lacking the higher education or technical training necessary to fill today’s complex jobs. Qualified workers from out-ofstate are filling many of those jobs in Southwest Louisiana during the current economic boom.

Meanwhile, a U.S. Census report in September said the percentage of Louisiana’s people living in poverty has dipped slightly, but the state remains among the poorest in the nation with a poverty rate of 18.6 percent. The national rate last year was 11.8 percent.

The state’s poverty rate is another reason why there are 1.7 million of our 4.7 million citizens on Medicaid, the federal-state health care program for poor and low-income Americans.

Education is the only guaranteed ticket out of those poverty ranks, and too many of our citizens either haven’t had the resources or the will to get a better education. A high school diploma doesn’t come close to satisfying today’s job requirements. Census data shows Louisiana’s median income level in 2018 reached $47,905, not even close to the U.S. average of $61,937.

All of the harsh realities about life in Louisiana were the reason why the state Board of Regents, which administers higher education in this state, recently came up with a new master plan. The board said its goal is to boost educational attainment for black students and get more adults back into the classroom to learn new skills.

Data produced by the regents shows an estimated 56 percent of jobs will require education beyond a high school diploma in 2020. However, only 44 percent of Louisiana adults ages 25 to 64 currently have a skills-based certificate or college degree.

By 2030, a decade from now, the regents want 6 in 10 working-age adults to hold a college degree or other employment credential beyond a high school diploma. The master plan says if the state reaches that goal by 2030 it will see a $1.9 billion increase in tax collections, while it will also be saving money on the Medicaid program and corrections systems.

Louisiana universities, colleges and technical schools saw 40,000 students get a skills certificate, associate degree or university degree in 2018. To reach the 2030 goal, those institutions will have to more than double that number.

The Board of Regents is asking legislators to increase spending on public college programs by nearly $156 million next year in order to reach some of the master plan’s goals. There have to be more opportunities for dual enrollment that allows high school students to begin college courses early. New college courses will have to be added, more financial aid made available and an increase in work-based learning programs is needed.

Kim Hunter Reed, commissioner of higher education, said, “We can lift families out of poverty and increase Louisiana’s prosperity through strategic investments in education.”

McNeese State University and Sow ela Technical Community College are two of the best institutions in their fields in the country. They are already doing much of the work for this corner of the state that the regents have outlined.

Budget stability and surpluses made it possible for all phases of education to get extra funding at this year’s legislative session, but it’s going to take more years of that to get all of them back to where they need to be. Sixteen budget reductions over a decade were especially tough on higher education. It shifted the cost burdens for colleges and universities from the state to students and families.

Unfortunately, some news reports about that budget request said it wasn’t likely higher education would get that much of an increase. How are we ever going to get off those bad lists if we don’t start reinvesting in our higher education systems? It’s the only solution guaranteed to get the job done.

Our Views: Investing in early childhood education is an easy sell

STAFF EDITORIAL | Nov 3, 2019 - 6:00 am

If there’s been one regular refrain on the campaign trail this season, it’s been a call for more investment in early childhood education.

There’s a good reason for that. Research shows that providing quality early education for at-risk children has major benefits — for the kids and their parents, for the economy, and for the future. Ninety percent of brain development happens between birth and age 4, yet 35 % of Louisiana kindergartners start school behind and many never catch up to their peers. Employers lose more than $800 million a year in absences and turnover due to lack of childcare. One eye-opening study found an annual return on investment once these kids reach adulthood is 13.7 %.

With such a compelling case, early childhood investment isn’t the sort of issue that draws opposition. It’s a question of whether politicians make it a priority when balanced against other demands. An impressively broad coalition is arguing this election season that leaders should.

It includes the sorts of players you’d expect, such as the Louisiana Policy Institute for Children, the United Way and the progressive Louisiana Budget Project. It also includes business groups such as GNO, Inc., the Jefferson Business Council and the Jefferson Chamber of Commerce. The cause has been embraced by Democrats and Republicans candidates alike. Earlier this year, the Legislature allotted about $19 million to create more capacity, the first such investment in years. Gov. John Bel Edwards wants to make further spending on early childhood programs a centerpiece of a second term, and his runoff opponent Eddie Rispone also backs improvements.

That near-unanimity is encouraging, and it underscores the fact that there are diverse arguments for investing, from social equity to economics. GNO, Inc. President Michael Hecht called it a case of “money and morality coming together.”

The coalition pushing for more investment looks something like the broad group that successfully backed criminal justice reform in 2017. In some ways, early childhood education should be an easier sell than sentencing reform because the beneficiaries are more sympathetic to more people, and there’s no risk that one bad apple could create a damaging narrative.

Yet expanding early childhood services will cost money -- $86 million annually to increase access from 22,000 spots to 177,000 in the next decade, the target recommended by the bipartisan Louisiana Early Childhood Care & Education Commission. That’s less of a barrier now that the state is enjoying a surplus after years of shortfalls, but it will nevertheless require a certain level of will.

Still, a poll for the coalition found that 62 percent of likely voters back more funding for this important cause, and candidates up and down the ballot have pledged their support. We should all hold them to it after the votes are counted.